RSS - Mahatma Gandhi and Babasaheb Ambedkar

RSS - Mahatma Gandhi and Babasaheb Ambedkar

RSS, established in September, 1925, has completed its centenary on the Vijay Dashami, October 2 and the day is being celebrated throughout India and beyond both with fan-fair and solemnity by the RSS and the BJP as RSS’s Centenary Year. It is just a co-incident that the birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi also falls on October 2 this
year. And another co-incident is that Babasaheb Ambedkar also floated an organization called Samata Sainik Dal (SSD) in September/October, 1927 to match the caste Hindu move. He also renounced Hinduism and embraced Buddhism on October 14 in 1956. On this important day for RSS while greeting RSS, I thought of writing something on a relevant subject: RSS – Mahatma Gandhi and Babasaheb Ambedkar as now a days RSS often quote Mahatma Gandhi and Babasaheb Ambedkar, both apparently were the bête-noire of RSS,  in pursuing their agenda sincerely or otherwise, it is difficult to know. But prime facie it seems that there was no bonhomie among them. The socio-political scenario in the country is such that it is just not possible to ignore Mahatma Gandhi and Babasaheb Ambedkar even if one wants to do that.

RSS has come a long way and by now is one of biggest and vocal organizations of not only India but also of the world. Though RSS love to call itself a cultural outfit yet its front political organization, BJP is ruling the country for the last successive 12 years under the leadership of PM Narendra Modi, apart from earlier stints under PM Atal Bihar Vajpayee at New Delhi and about 25 States of India that is Bharat, the Union of States. Obviously the RSS Centenary is big

event fully supported and owned by the ruling, BJP. PM Narendra set the ball in motion by praising and supporting RSS from the ramparts of Red Fort on August 15 in his address to nation this year. PM Narendra Modi has written various articles under his hand and seal in appreciating and supporting RSS and its leadership; particularly its Sarsanghchalal, Mohan Bhagwat. GOI has issued commemorative stamps and coins to celebrate the RSS Centenary. On the other hand, the opposition parties led by the Congress Party has denounced and criticized the RSS and the BJP not only on account of ideological differences but also the role played by RSS and BJP in dividing the country on communal basis and their agenda of amending or diluting the secular and socialist credentials of the constitution of India. RSS claims to be a true nationalist organization that fought for the independence of the country from the British Rule. It undermines the Muslim minority by calling them the heirs of Mughals, the tyrant rulers who persecuted Hindus and demolished temples. On the contrary, Congress party and other opposition parties denounce and criticize RSS for the narrow nationalism and also its negative role in the freedom movement of India with particular reference to its not hoisting the national flag (Tri-colour) at the RSS Headquarters in Nagpur till early 2000s and opposing the constitution of India and it chief architect, Babasaheb Ambedkar. They held RSS responsible for the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi by one of their alleged cadre, Nathu Ram Godse. With the changing political and socio-cultural landscape of the country under the aegis of the Constitution of India, RSS, apparently, has been changing its track to suit them for carrying their agenda of Hindutava. In the process, they find it difficult to disown both Mahatma Gandhi and Babasaheb Ambedkar.  Their

mentors like Veer Savarkar and Guru Golwalkar were dead against the mission and thought of both Gandhi and Ambedkar. RSS has started, of late, to embrace Mahatma Gandhi consciously but selectively as Father of the Nation’ and Babasaheb Ambedkar as Father of the Indian Constitution. RSS’s media mouthpieces and intellectual machinery burn mid-night oil to read and study Gandhi and Ambedkar to find something or the other which may be projected as their support and endorsement of RSS and its agenda. But somehow it is not cutting much ice, as of now. It is increasingly becoming a controversial issue.

As regards RSS and Mahatma Gandhi, of course, Gandhi met RSS leadership as and when required particularly in the run up to getting independence from the British rule and avoiding partition of the country and also maintaining communal harmony between the Hindus and Muslims. But there was hardly any meeting of minds as RSS believed in monolithic nationalism as against Gandhi’s patriotic approach. Mahatma Gandhi described the Sangh as a "communal
body with a totalitarian outlook" as described by Jai Ram Ramesh of Congress Party. The renowned historian and columnist, Ramchandra Guha has clearly brought out these differences in one of his articles in the Independent. I quote from his article, “While Gandhi was ambivalent about the RSS, the Sangh, for its part, deeply distrusted him. In early September 1947, the Mahatma had gone on fast in Calcutta, seeking to stop the violence between Hindus and Muslims. His attempts at peace-making were mocked in an article in the RSS’s magazine, Organizer. ‘Nero fiddled when Rome burnt’, the Organizer remarked: ‘History is repeating itself before our very eyes. From Calcutta Mahatma Gandhi is praising Islam and crying Allah-o-Akbar and enjoining Hindus to do the same, while in the Punjab and elsewhere most heinous and shameless barbarities and brutalities are being perpetrated in the name of Islam and under the cry of Allah-o-Akbar”. Guha further wrote, “Golwalkar had once told Gandhi that the Sangh was ‘enemy to no man’. That, characteristically, was a lie. His book Bunch of Thoughts had explicitly identified three internal enemies of the nation, that allegedly posed a great menace to national security. These were identified by the RSS chief as Muslims, Christians and Communists respectively. Twenty years after Partition, Golwalkar remained extremely paranoid about Indian Muslims, speaking (without evidence) of their being countless ‘Miniature Pakistans’ all over India”. Guha is categorical in his assertions on RSS and Mahatma Gandhi, “The seventeenth-century French writer La Rochefoucald famously defined hypocrisy as ‘the tribute that vice pays to virtue‘. On October 2nd, Indians will find this maxim vividly and variously illustrated, as RSS pracharaks from the Prime Minister downwards shall line up to pay tribute to a man the RSS vilified in his lifetime, and for whom—despite all their in public—they still have deep reservations, since he lived (and died) in the belief that India was not a Hindu country but belonged equally to people of all faiths.”

I leave it here and move on to my next prop, RSS and Babasaheb Ambedkar. There is nothing common or complementary between Babasaheb Ambedkar and RSS both with regard to polity and society. Babasaheb Ambedkar was not only social reformer but also a political player of the highest caliber. He was a man of vision with an open mind. In the process of exercise of owning Ambedkar and his legacy, RSS often quote his visit to RSS Sakha sometime in 1940. RSS claimed that in his address, Dr. Ambedkar said, "Although there are differences over certain issues, I look at the Sangh with a sense of affinity." It meant nothing and only showed that Babasaheb was a gentleman to the core of his heart and he said this with all humility and courtesy towars his hosts that RSS. I take the liberty of taking shelter under a well written piece on the issue by one of my senior acquaintances, S.R. Darapuri, a retired IPS and ADGP of UP. With regard to the RSS brand of nationalism, he said, “Dr. Ambedkar never supported the RSS brand Hindu nationalism. His nationalism was based on the concept of liberty, equality and fraternity of all citizens but the ideology of RSS is quite the opposite. He was against nationalism based on any kind of racial and religious discrimination. He had said, “Some people say that they are Hindu, Muslim or Sikh first and then Indian. But I am an Indian from beginning to end.” Ambedkar never subscribed to communal and divisive tendencies which S.R. Darapuri has explained as, “Dr. Ambedkar was not in favour of a sectarian but a secular nation. Dr. Ambedkar was opposed to the entry of religion into politics. He considered religion to be a private belief and was in favour of keeping it away from the affairs of the state. Coming to the eradication of untouchability, the approaches of RSS and Ambedkar are opposed to each other as S.R. Darapuri said, “When I look at the problem of untouchables, I think it is deeply related to the question of reorganization of Hindu society. If untouchables are to be a part of Hindu society, it is not enough to remove untouchability, for that you have to destroy Chaturvarnya.” Similarly on caste discrimination, RSS adheres to the status quo whereas Ambedkar stood for total reform and transformation as, “ Sangh and Ambedkar have completely different views on the issue of eradicating caste discrimination. Babasaheb was in favour of caste annihilation whereas the Sangh is in favour of caste harmony (as the status quo) and not the destruction of castes. Sangh considers Manusmriti as the holy book of Hindus whereas Babasaheb considered it to be a very anti-Dalit book.” One of the important and topical issues which RSS often love to raise is Hindu Rashtra. On this also the learned analyst Darapuri said, “Sangh is wholeheartedly engaged in the establishment of Hindu Rashtra through Hindutva (Hindu political ideology) while maintaining the caste system whereas Babasaheb was staunchly opposed to the establishment of Hindu Rashtra. In fact, Dr. Ambedkar came to the conclusion in 1940 that “if Hindu Raj becomes a reality, it will undoubtedly be the greatest calamity for this country… [it] will be a threat for liberty, equality and fraternity. Accordingly, it is incompatible with democracy. Hindu Raj should be stopped at any cost.”  Last one but not the least is the issue of Indian culture, Darapuri Sahib has explained it, “There is no doubt that Babasaheb had full faith in Indian culture but that culture is totally different from the culture defined by RSS. RSS defines Indian culture as Hindu culture whereas Indian culture is a mixture of different cultures. In this, there is a set of cultures like Hindu, Buddhist, Jain, Sikh, Christian, Parsi etc. RSS considers Hindu culture to be superior to other cultures.”

All said and done, BJP and its ideological parent Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), has come a long way from comparing India's first law minister and father of the Indian constitution, Babasaheb Ambedkar to a 'Lilliput' in 1950.  RSS’s Sarsanghchalak Mohan Bhagwat and PM Narendra Modi have a complete change of heart, apparently, with regard to Mahatma Gandhi, Father of the Nation and Babasaheb Ambedkar, Father of the Constitution of India, if we go by the recent statements of these two most important and highly placed leaders of the country. Let us take them on their face value to avoid any negative fallout as projected by the opponents. RSS, to my mind, is a powerful outfit with a total wherewithal to take the caravan of India forward in the years to come, if they really intend to

do that. For this RSS has to change and transform its social and communal outlook with regard to the Dalits and Muslims. On the other hand, the opponents of RSS should stop harping on negative aspects of RSS’s role in the freedom movement. I personally support and endorse the Samarasta agenda of RSS but it should come out of the cozy drawing rooms and reach the masses. For this the first requisite is to discard and abandon Manuwadi thinking.

I could have written more as to what is the way forward but decided to stop here as the blog has come lengthy because of the quotes from Ramchandra Guha and S.R. Darapuri with whom I tend to agree on most of the points. I will pick up threads again and would write soon – Decoding RSS and its Sarsanghchalak, Mohan Bhagwat with particular reference to their journey from the Bunch of Thoughts to the RSS Centenary in 1925.

मस्जिद तो बना दी शब भर में ईमाँ की हरारत वालों ने

मन अपना पुराना पापी है बरसों में नमाज़ी बन न सका

इक़बाल बड़ा उपदेशक है, मन बातों में मोह लेता है
गुफ़्तार का ग़ाज़ी बन तो गया, किरदार का ग़ाज़ी बन न सका

 

 

Poona Pact 1932 – Magna Carta of Dalit Identity

Poona Pact 1932 – Magna Carta of Dalit Identity

Today, September 24, is the anniversary of Poona Pact of 1932 signed between Mahatma Gandhi and Babasaheb Ambedkar. The Poona Pact 1932 was an agreement between Babasaheb Ambedkar and Mahatma Gandhi on the political representation of the Depressed Classes (a term that referred to Dalits/Untouchables/Scheduled Castes).  It came in the wake of the Communal Award given by

British PM Ramsey MacDonald in August, 1932 in the aftermath of Round Table Conferences held in London in the early years of 1930s. Ramsey Macdonald, announced the Communal Award that gave Depressed Classes separate electorates for central and provincial legislatures. Mahatma Gandhi viewed this as a danger to the Hindu society that would de-link untouchables from Hindus. Babasaheb Ambedkar and other leaders of the Depressed Classes welcomed the award. In the 1920s, electoral reforms in India aimed to make the government more representative gained momentum. However, the issue of the representation of the Depressed Classes had divergent views within the Indian society and political parties. Access to education, social reforms, the emergence of new leaders and political empowerment made the leaders of the Depressed Classes demand equality in political rights. The role and contribution of Ad-dharam Movement initiated by Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia in mid 1920s and the relentless struggle and vision of Babasaheb Ambedkar carried the matter to the high tables of Round Table Conferences in London. These efforts resulted in the Communal Award – providing Separate electorates for Marathas, depressed classes, Sikhs, women, Indian Christians, and Anglo-Indians.

On 20th September 1932, to oppose the Communal Award which was realized in spite opposition by the Congress Party led by Mahatma Gandhi, while in prison in Yerwada Jail in Poona (Pune), Mahatma Gandhi announced a fast unto death till the time separate electorates were removed from the Award. The British rulers gave the assurance that they would make changes to the Award if these are proposed in an agreement between the communities concerned. Hindu political leaders realized that the only chance to get Gandhi terminate his fast was to facilitate an agreement between Mahatma Gandhi and Babasaheb Ambedkar. Initially, Ambedkar was not fazed by Gandhi’s fast. But later, he came around and agreed to negotiate. In the end, Mahatma Gandhi and Babasaheb Ambedkar signed an agreement – the Poona Pact 1932 that dropped separate electorates for the depressed classes. Instead of separate electorates, the Poona Pact established a system of reserved seats for the Scheduled Castes within the general electorate. 148 seats were reserved for the Depressed Classes in the provincial legislatures against 71 seats given by the Communal Award. 18% of the total seats of the general electorate in the central legislature were to be kept for the Depressed Classes. Mahatma Gandhi broke his fast on 26th September 1932. The rest is history – The Pact influenced the Government of India Act 1935 and necessary provisions were incorporated. The Separate electorates were given to Muslims, Sikhs and others, but not to the Depressed Classes. After independence in 1947, the constitution of India provided for Reservations to the SCs and STs as an affirmative action in the spirit of the Poona Pact of 1932. That is why I called it as the Magna Carta of Dalit Identity. I must add it here in a hast that those who oppose

Reservations must understand that no one, right from Gandhi or other caste Hindus, offered Reservations willingly on a platter to the SCs and SCs and other marginalized sections of the society. They fought for and paid for it in an ample measure under the leadership of Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia, Babasaheb Ambedkar, Periyar Ramasamy  among others.

The leaders of the Depressed Classes, including Babasaheb Ambedkar, were not happy with the Poona Pact. Even though the number of seats reserved was doubled than what the Award had offered. The separate electorates were viewed as a critical tool for political representation of Dalits.  Babasaheb Ambedkar himself argued that the Award had given Depressed Classes a double vote: they could use one vote for the separate electorates and another for the general electorate. Ambedkar felt that the second vote was ‘a political weapon was beyond reckoning’ for the protection interests of Depressed Classes’. Babasaheb Ambedkar termed Mahatma Gandhi’s fast merely a political move rather than a moral fight. Dr.

Ambedkar revealed his apprehensions in a large meeting of upper caste Hindus in Bombay on 25 September 1932 which was called for the approval of the Poona Pact, and said, “We have only one concern. Will the future generations of Hindus abide by this agreement?” To this all the upper caste Hindus said in one voice, “Yes, we will.” Dr. Ambedkar also said, “We see that unfortunately the Hindu community is not a united group but a federation of various communities. I hope and believe that you will consider this accord sacred from your side and will work with a respectful spirit.”

Then why Babasaheb agreed and signed the Poona Pact? There is no one answer to this lingering question – Babasaheb Ambedkar was a rational nationalist to the core. He did not want to adversely affect the freedom movement spear headed by the Congress Party under the stewardship of Mahatma Gandhi even if he was Babasaheb’s arch rival. In the face of stubbornness of Mahatma Gandhi, he was humane to the core to consider and save the life of Mahatma Gandhi, a dogmatic hardcore Hindu. Babasaheb Ambedkar did not intend to harm the edifice of the Hindu society at large but firmly and resolutely stood for reform and transformation. He was also concerned about the violent reprisal against the Dalit community, if anything happened to Gandhi: As such The Poona Pact was one of the most important events in the history of depressed classes. For the first time, the issue of political representation of the depressed classes was brought to the fore of national politics. The nature of emancipation of the depressed classes was now changed to political from social. The promises of the Poona Pact regarding the reservations found a reflection in the Indian Constitution.

The Pact was a historic moment in India’s constitutional and political history. To a large extent, the Pact further reinforced and augmented the claim that Depressed Classes were a political minority whose interests could not be ignored while drawing up the constitutional

future of India. The post Poona Pact political discourse continued to view the Poona Pact as a ‘deceit by the Congress Party and Hindu leadership led by Mahatma Gandhi. Even the flag bearers of Babasaheb Ambedkar and his legacy; namely Babu Kanshi Ram and others questioned the efficacy of the Pact and termed it as ‘the advent of Chamcha Yug (An Era of Stooges)’.

 

All said and done, on the anniversary of the Poona Pact of 1932, September 24, let us think and contemplate what Babasaheb said in Bombay (Mumbai) on September 25, 1932 as mentioned in the proceeding narration. The opponents of Reservation, both vocal and hidden, must understand this and accept the ground realities or consider Separate Electorates to the Dalits to keep them with the main stream of the society and the national life of India that is Bharat.

Nahin Minnatkash-e-Taab-e-Shaneedan Dastan Meri
Khamoshi Guftugu Hai, Be-Zubani Hai Zuban Meri

(My story is not indebted to the patience of being heard
My silence is my talk, my speechlessness is my speech)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Kolkata – A Lost Glory of Dalits of Doaba

 

 Kolkata – A Lost Glory of Dalits of Doaba

I visited Kolkata last week from August 26 to September 2. It was my third short visits to the City of Joy – first two in 1990-91 and 1999-2000 in the call of my diplomatic duties – Meetings with the Kolkata High Court in connection with a rented property dispute pertaining to Romania and second accompanying the PM of Tukie (Turkey), Bulent Ecevit to Vishav Bharti University at Shanti Niketan in Kolkata for an Honorary Degree to honour him for his

At Kolkata in 1989-90

translation of Rabindranath Tagore’s book Gitanjali into Turkish language respectively. The third visit, a bit longer, was a family visit to meet my aging relations, Bhua and Fufad, Jai Kaur and Som Dutt of village Sikandarpur (Alawalpur) in Jalandhar. They have made Kolkata as their home for the last about 7 decades. Their family was engaged in leather business. It is a co-incident only that, I have had more connections with Kolkata as my grand-father; Rulda Ram also went to Kolkata for his bread and butter but returned back in mid 1950s. I recall seeing him in a Tonga (Horse-cart) on his return journey from the Jalandhar Railway Station to our home in Bootan Mandi, then a slum area in the out skirts of the town. Second, Vidya my wife, who is no more with us, now, was the daughter of Dhanna Ram of village Nawan Pind Jattan near Nakodar in Jalandhar. Dhanna Ram his immediate family were engaged in leather tanning business in Kolkata. The second purpose was to see and study the life and work of dalits of Doaba region of Punjab who were doing leather business in Kolkata (Calcutta) for generations and contributed to the socio-economic life not only of the area called – Bridge No.4 – Tiljala Road (now named as Guru Ravidass Sarani); a slum area of the Town of Joy then called Calcutta (Kolkata) – but also their homes back in districts of Doaba region of Punjab. It was a fairly pleasant journey from Jalandhar to Guru Ramdass International Airport in Amritsar (Raja Sansi Airport) by road and by Indigo flight to Netaji Subhash Chndra Bose International Airport (Dum-dum Airport). I stayed with my Fufad ji,  Som Dutt in their modest flatted accommodation at Kutsia Road (off Picnic Garden Road) which was not far off from the ‘nerve center of dalit presence in Kolkata’ at Guru Ravidass Sarani. I was informed that then CM of West Bengal Siddhrath Shankar Ray named Tiljala Road as Guru Ravidass Sarani on the suggestion of one of the brothers of my Fufaji (Uncle), Hazari Ram, a social activist of the community and his associates. Hazari Ram enjoyed good standing and rapport with the then Congress leadership of the city. It was one of my wishes to visit the place with a curiosity to learn more about the Karambhoomi (place of work and action) of dalit. According, I along with my Fufaji visited Guru Ravidass Gurudawara and related places on August 27 – a big gated park in front of the Gurudawara and adjacent plot being developed and contructed to accommodate more people on the celebrations of Guru Ravidass Jayanti and other big functions. The site, earmarked and dedicated by the state government of CM Mamta Banerji, is being developed with official patronage. The Gurudawara is a historical site which was built and dedicated to the community in 1939 by the migrant business community from Punjab. We paid obeisance to the great Guru Ravidass and joined the Aarti conducted by the Bhai (Priest) of the holy site. Later we met President of the Managing Committee, Narinder Chauhan and others, second and third

generation of the Punjabi migrants. During the cursory exchanges, I was told that dalits of Doaba region of Punjab came to Kolkata in 1920s with the Muslim (Khoja) leather businessmen from Peshawar (now in Pakistan) to make Peshori sandals. Later some more enterprising dalits from Punjab came to Kolkata to meet the increasing demands of the British army for boots and other leather products during the World War - II and also to meet the demands of leather to be used in the jute mills. Early migrants to Kolkata for greener pastures included many enterprising people of Doaba region particularly belonging to the villages of Jalandhar who were already engaged in leather business with the Khojas (Muslims) who migrated to Pakistan in the wake of partition of India. Many somewhat well to do, comparatively, from my native place, Bootan Mandi, namely; Nanda, Chanda and Jhanda, the three brothers of the known family of Seth Sunder Dass as told by my friend Manohar Mahey and Shama Sheenmar and many of his clan like Mali Ram of village Parsrampur, as told by my yet another friend, Prem Shant were the early birds to establish businesses in Kolkata. Yet another high profile family of Bootan Mandi who not only made their mark in business but also in politics and community matters was that of Seth Kishan Dass and his brother Seth Adhyatam. These Punjabi settlers in Kolkata played a historic role in the politics of India on one hand and contributed a great deal to India’s ‘Tryst with Destiny’ by electing Babasaheb Ambedkar to the Constituent

Assembly in 1946 in cooperation with Joginder Nath Mandal, a prominent dalit leader of Bengal. If it was not done against all odds and hurdles created by the Congress Party and the Manuwadis of Hindu Maha Sabha and other hard core elements in the caste ridden Hindu society, the constitutional history of India and subsequent political developments would have been different.  I vividly recall reading the sterling role played by Seth Kishan Dass supported by the daredevil personalities like Baba Budh Singh of Village Tallan in Jalandhar among others. They rightly and aptly resorted to the Chanakya dictum of – Sam Dam Dand Bhed – to achieve their challenging goal to send Babasaheb Ambedkar to the Constituent Assembly amidst fierce opposition of the Manuwadis. The rest is history. With a view to keep this narration brief, I will skip many more names and details and come to the crux of the mater as to why I termed Kolkata – a lost glory of dalits of Doaba?

With this background, I hesitatingly intend to say, after visiting and interacting with the heirs of the motely crowd of Dalits who made a mark in Kolkata, a far off place from Jalandhar who could not rise up to the challenge to hold and maintain the glory which their forefathers created for them. It is a matter of regret and remorse. My off the calf observation in this regard is that our forefathers, the so called cream or elite of the community who could make money out of the hellish and dirty occupation of manual leather tanning, did not educate and prepare their off-spring to meet the challenges of the fast changing economic and socio-political scenario. In their false and narrow perception of good life, they wined and dined in their own rustic and traditional way after a day’s hard work in Kolkata and purchased agricultural and residential properties back home in Punjab. I vividly recall and I mentioned it in my brief speech at the Kolkata Gurudawara that they intended to impress their extended families and relations back home with good white kurtas and dhotis (attire) with chains and bracelets of gold and gold rings adorning their hands. The country made booze and mutton curries were fixed on the menu of their meals. Some of them including Seth Kishan Dass decided to come back and picked up the threads to lead a comfortable life and established their business back home in Bootan Mandi. But the uneducated lot had no wherewithal as to but to do in the fast changing business requirements. Some of them sent their sons to USA, Canada, UK and other developed countries and married off their daughters with their counterparts and relations in the developed countries as a last ditch effort to salvage the declining fortunes. Some of the families diversified their work but remained entrenched in and around their work place around Bridge No.4; a

slum area of the city. They, namely; Narinder Chauhan, Vijay Madara, Suresh Kakoo among others, are holding the fort which was once the citadel of dalit assertion – I termed the situation as ‘Kolkata: a Lost Glory of Dalits of Doaba’. I conveyed my feelings with a heavy heart to the audient at the Gurudawara function to honour me. The Chamar Seths of Kolkata did a wonderful job in making a break-through for socio-economic empowerment in the 1940s, earned name and fame back home in Punjab but, unfortunayely, they could not diversify and change to adjust to the changing business scenario. The major contributing factor in this set-back, to my mind, was that they did not educate and prepare the younger generation to meet the challenges of the future. I am reminded a poetic line of Allma Iqbal –

Jo Ashiana Shakhe Nazuk Pe Banega; Napayedar Hoga

As I said the visit was partly emotional re-bonding and partly leisure. My son Rupesh suggested that I must visit the famous China Town to relish the authentic Chinese meal which I did, courtesy; Suresh Kakoo, a duty-bound nephew of Fufad Som Dutt. The food at Restaurant Golden Joy, particularly the stirred fry garlic prawns was really good.  Kakoo who is a good cook himself, knowing my taste

for prawns, made a wonderful dish of prawns at home at a sumptuous dinner at their residence near the Guru Ravidass Gurudawara itself. I could also enjoy good mutton biryani and mutton korma at home ordered from good local eateries. I was interested
n tasting and bringing as a souvenir some local Bengali alcoholic beverage like Feni of Goa but could not get it. All said and done, It was a good emotional, educative and enjoyable visit which gave me a chance to visit the once – Nerve Centre of Dalit Chetna – Bridge No. 4 – Tilzila Road. We need to learn from history.

Mahabodhi Temple in Bodh Gaya – Management Issue - A Layman’s Thoughts

 Mahabodhi Temple in Bodh Gaya – Management Issue - A Layman’s Thoughts

Bodh Gaya is the site where Gautama the Buddha attained enlightenment and is considered one of the most sacred places for Buddhists throughout the world. At the site, a shrine was built by Emperor Ashoka in the 3rd century BC and the current structure

dates back to the Gupta period of the 6^th century. The temple was restored in the 1880s and a Hindu monastery (Bodh Gaya Math) was established by the Hindus (Mahant Ghamandi Giri) in 16^th century. Ever since, Hindus continue to control the temple.

With this historical background drawn from the social media, I come to the recent happenings and the current position on the management, control and up keep of the most important shrine of Buddhists which has already been adopted as Heritage site by the UNESCO. After independence, the Bodh Gaya Temple is managed and controlled under the provisions of Bodh Gaya Temple Act of 1949. Accordingly, the BGTA of 1949 established a Committee to manage the temple, comprising four Buddhists and four Hindus, with the District Magistrate as the Ex-officio Chairman. Buddhist stakeholders feel the Hindu majority on the committee, especially the Hindu Chairman, is unfair and want greater control over the temple's management in line with the shrines of other faiths; particularly that of minorities. CM Lalu Prasad Yadav’s government in Bihar tried to repeal/amend the 1949 act with a view to bring about reform and streamline management of the temple but could not succeed.

Buddhists of both India and abroad have been demanding the control of the temple in accordance with the laws of the land and religious morality with regard to the running and upkeep of the historical site pertaining to Buddhism. On the other hand, vested interests are negating the demand of Buddhists and are fighting tooth and nail to

retain the control of the shrine. While, the matter is sub-judice in the courts, Buddhist stakeholders headed by All India Buddhist Forum have come to the streets with public protests demanding repeal of the 1949 act. India has an estimated 8.4 million Buddhist citizens, according to the country’s last census in 2011. They argue that in recent years, Hindu Priests who enjoy backing of the corridors of power both in Patna ad Delhi, have been performing Hindu rituals that defy the spirit of Buddhism. The protesters point out that the Buddha was opposed to Vedic rituals. All religions in India “take care and manage their own religious sites. The AIBF has support from prominent Buddhist bodies, and has submitted a memorandum to the Bihar government. The Bodh Gaya is one of the four sacred sites of Buddhism; the other three being Buddha’s birthplace Lumbini, Sarnath where he gave his first sermon and Kusinagar where he attained Parinirvana. There is a complete standoff between the Hindu Priests and Buddhist Bhikhus on one side and the protesters and the administration on the other. In the late 19th century, visiting Sri Lankan and Japanese Buddhist monks founded the Maha Bodhi Society to lead a movement to reclaim the site.

As regards the historical background, according to UNESCO, the shrine was largely abandoned between the 13th and 18th centuries, before the British began renovations. But the shrine’s website hosted by the Hindu Management states that a Hindu Priest, Ghamandi Giri, turned up at the temple in 1590 and began living there. He started conducting rituals and established the Bodh Gaya Math, a Hindu monastery. Since then, the temple has been controlled by descendants of Giri. In 1903, these efforts led the then-viceroy of India, Lord Curzon, to try to negotiate a deal between the Hindu and Buddhist sides, but he failed. Later, both sides started mobilizing political support and eventually India gained independence from British rule in 1947, Bihar government pushed through the Bodh Gaya Temple Act of 1949. The law transferred the temple’s management from the head of the Bodh Gaya Math to the 8 member committee, which is now headed by a ninth member, the district magistrate — the top bureaucrat in charge of the district.

Swami Vivekananda Giri, the Hindu priest who currently looks after the Bodh Gaya Math, is unfazed by the protests, describing the agitations as “politically motivated” — with an eye on Bihar’s state legislature elections later this year. He added, “Our Math’s teachings treat Lord Buddha as the ninth reincarnation of [Hindu] Lord Vishnu and we consider Buddhists our brothers,” Giri told Al Jazeera. “For years, we have hosted Buddhist devotees, from other countries as well, and never disallowed them from praying on the premises.” Giri said that the Hindu side has been “generous in allowing four seats to Buddhists in the management committee”. He further said, “If you repeal the Act, then the temple will solely belong to the Hindu side because we owned it before the Act and the independence [of India],” Giri said, taking a dig at the protesters. “When the Buddhists abandoned it after the invasion of Muslim rulers, we preserved and took care of the temple. Yet we never treated Buddhist visitors as ‘others’.”

I am no authority on the subject. My immediate motivation to write on the issue emanated from my informal and friendly association with some of the neo-Buddhists and followers of Babasaheb Ambedkar in and around Jalandhar. These friends belonging to several Buddha Viharas and Ambedkarite outfits are actively

involved in the agitation to free the Maha Boddhi Temple from the allegedly illegal and immoral control of the Hindu Priests. The demand of Buddhists seems to be genuine and valid; prima facie, keeping with the laws of the land providing religious freedom to minorities and upkeep of their religious places. Why Buddhists are being deprived of their rightful claims on the holy shrine in Bodh-Gaya? The arguments given by the head priest of the Bodh Gaya Math appears fallacious and capricious. It is total hypocrisy to term Gautama the Buddha as the 9^th incarnation (Avtar) of Vishnu. Why Hindu rituals should be performed in the Buddhist Vihara? Will they allow others to do the same in the Hindu Temples? The Hindu side tended to take shelter under the Places of Worship Act of 1991 which aimed to maintain the religious character of places of worship as of 1947. It further complicated the issue. Why these double standard? On one side the Hindu zealots demand to repeal the 1991 act to pursue and carry forward their agenda to claim and gain control of various Masjids and Churches and on the other hand reject the demand of Buddhists to hand them over the control of Maha Bodhi Temple – good example of the old mischievous dictum - ‘Heads I win and Tails you lose’. It seems that it is total high-handedness of the hard-core Hindus. Buddhists are the rightful owners of Maha-Bodhi Temple in Bodh Gaya.

'इक़बाल ' बड़ा उपदेशक है - मन बातों में मोह लेता है 

गुफ़्तार का ये ग़ाज़ी तो बना किरदार का ग़ाज़ी बन न सका 

('Iqbal' is a good preacher, fascinates the heart in moments

He did become hero in talk, but one in deeds he could not be.)
                                                          

 

                                                       

 

 

 

International Day of Equality – Honouring Babasaheb Ambedkar

 

International Day of Equality – Honouring Babasaheb Ambedkar

 An Open Letter to High Dignitaries of Ruling Elite of India

August 17, 2025

 Dear Sirs,

I have been writing about the April 14, birthday of Babasaheb B. R. Ambedkar as International Day of Equality for the last ten years since June, 2015. My last blog on the subject may be accessed at: https://diplomatictitbits.blogspot.com/2025/06/in-pursuance-of-proposal-on.html

The proposal is resting with the GOI – MEA and PMO in spite of utmost efforts and repeated reminders both in India and abroad. But nothing has moved, unfortunately. Besides, GOI, it has been tried to engage with RSS and also the BJP at the highest level with regard to the matter both directly and also through the SC Ministers in the

government namely; Thavar Chand Gehlot, Varinder Kumar, Ram Vilas Paswan, Chirag Paswan, Ramdass Athawale among others. With regard to the proposal, we roped in Forum of SC and ST Parliamentarians through its President, Charanjit Singh Atwal and in turn they tried to sensitize and engage Mahamahim Ram Nath Kovind, President of India and Hon’ble PM Narendra Modi through Memorandums on the subject which was submitted to these high dignitaries. Outside the country, the stake holder, organizations of followers of Babasaheb Ambedkar namely; Chetna Association of Canada, Federation of Ambedkar and Buddhist Organizations (FABO) of UK, Ambedkar Times Group of Publications of USA among others supported the proposal and approached the GOI both directly and through the Indian diplomatic missions in these countries on one hand and on the other persuaded and motivated the local authorities in their respective places to honour the Indian icon, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar. I write this with a mixed feeling of remorse and gratification – Remorse because my own government that is GOI is blissfully silent on the proposal in spite of the fact all the leaders fall on each other to own Ambedkar and his legacy when it comes to encash on the Vote Bank said to be belonging to the him in one way or the other – Gratification because of the ground reality that in the foreign lands, thanks to the followers of Ambedkar living abroad, the local administrations at the city and provincial levels in several

places In Canada, USA, UK, New Zealand, Australia among others, have proclaimed April 14 as ‘Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Day of Equality’. Is it not a matter of hypocrisy and shame for us in India? Yes, it is. We have been keeping the issue apolitical deliberately because International Day of Equality is not a partisan matter. Moreover, we are not oblivious of the fact that only the party in power in this case, BJP and its leadership, can take this proposal to the UN through diplomatic channels. We are open to listen from the ruling dispensation as to whether the proposal does not fit into the policy framework of India’s Soft and Cultural Diplomacy? Does the proposal not fit into the UN’s aims and objectives to establish ‘Equitable World Order? Whether Babasaheb Ambedkar’s personality and work do not deserve such recognition? It is not understandable why the GOI is sitting tight for the last ten years? Why the SC and ST Ministers are so helpless that they do not come forward to support the proposal to honour one of the greatest sons of India. My gut feelings tell me that people are getting restive and one day may burst to give vent to their pent up emotions in a democratic way as the true followers of Babasaheb Ambedkar. GOI and its leadership must see the writings on the wall. Ambedkar cannot be ignored for long. Anybody would ignore him at his own peril.

The time is of essence. Why I choose to write now, a month before the next UNGA to be held towards the second half of September, 2025. It has already been announced that PM Narendra Modi is scheduled to address the UNGA like he did many a times before also.

He may take advantage and raise the proposal on International Day of Equality in his address at the UNGA appropriately. It will be a befitting tribute to Babasaheb Ambedkar through the Soft and Cultural Diplomacy of India.

With this open letter detailing the facts of the matter, I take this opportunity to urge the GOI – PM Narendra Modi, EAM S. Jaishankar and others and also leaders of Socio-Political outfits namely; RSS Sarsanghchalak, Mohan Bhagwat, BJP President, J. P. Nadda, inter alia, to kindly consider, support and decide to declare April 14 as International Day of Equality under the aegis of the UN.

Ek Tarze Tugafil Hai; So Weh Unko Mubarak,

Ek Arje Tammana Hai, Who Hum Karte Range.

With regards and assurances of highest consideration,

Yours truly,

(Ramesh Chander)

Ambassador – IFS (Retired)

Telephone - 9988510940

 

To –

Hon’ble PM Narendra Modi, South Block, New Delhi

 

Copy to - EAM Dr. S. Jaishankar, BJP President J.P. Nadda, RSS Sarsanghchalak Mohan Bhagwat, Minister Dr. Varindra Kumar, Minister Chirag Paswan, Principal Secretary to PM, Director of EAMO, PR of India to UN, PMI New York

 

 

Azadi Mubarak – Greetings on the Independence Day

 

Azadi Mubarak – Greetings on the Independence Day

August 15, National Festival the Independence Day of India is being celebrated as usual with great pomp and show and rightly so. India has come a long way since independence in August 1947 and becoming a Republic in January, 1950. India is the biggest functional democracy in the world, there is no two opinions on this.  India is the

world’s 4^th largest economy which is also one of fastest growing economies. Demographically, India is one of the youngest nations. With this, India is one of the dignified and respected countries in the comity of nations. These positive trends notwithstanding, it is also true that India is still a poor developing country. With a view to ward off hunger, according to official admission, more than 85 crores of the population of more than 140 crores is fed by the state. Income disparities are increasing; rich is getting richer and poor is getting poorer. The core sectors of social cover; health and education has not been given due attention as pointed out by RSS Chief, Mohan Bhagwat the other day. Democratic edifice of the country is increasingly getting under threat by the every passing day, if one goes by the allegations of the opposition both in the parliament and outside. Communal harmony is hard hit for which the blame game is resorted to quite often. The main stream of the society is still having the hangover of oppressive Manuwad, unfortunately. Constitutional institutions like the Election Commission, Judiciary among others and also outfits like IB, CBI, ED etc. are alleged being undermined systematically. These are some of the issues and aspects of the governance which undermine the national interests. We are still to go a long way to reach. Going by the positive aspects of our journey, we have reached, perhaps, but definitely we need to sit, think and ready ourselves to reach to complete out ‘tryst with destiny’ as professed by PM Jawaharlal Nehru.

PM Narendra Modi will address the nation from the traditional ramparts of the Red Fort in the morning of August 15 in his 12^th year of being at the helm of the national destiny. As usual, it will be a high-bolt delivery listing the glory and achievements at home and also self-pat on the back for India’s rising profile in the world affairs particularly with reference to Operation Sindoor, inter alia. There is

no harm in stock taking exercise as the Pradhan Sewak of the country and PM of ‘we the people of India. Apart from listing the achievements and successes, the occasion should also be availed of to contemplate the tardy implementation of the policies resulting in not fulfilling the promises made to the people of India in a true spirit of democracy. Let us hope that this time at the 79th year of Independence; we listen from the PM as to what ails - the polity, economy and society of Bharat and what the way out is to move forward. My wishful thinking about these matters –

·      Address the trust deficit between the ruling dispensation and opposition – It seems that we reached a dead-end in this regard which is not a good trend for a healthy democratic set up. Political consultation, deliberations and discourse both in and outside the parliament should be encouraged instead of resorting to mud-slinging, un-substituted allegations. Criticism and disagreements should not be considered ‘Deshdiroh’ – unpatriotic.

·      Address the declining status and prestige of Constitutional institutions – This very dangerous malice has increasing crept in our functioning, a very negation of democracy which is based on checks and balances. The dictum of checks and balances gets compromised, if the Constitutional and statutory authorities like the Election Commission, CAG, CBI, ED, National SC Commission among others start working as government departments.

·      Address the issue of wide spread corruption – One may or may not admit, corruption is one of the main ills of our polity and governance which is eating the vitals of the country and the society at large. In spite of all claims of zero tolerance towards corruption, it is prevailing and getting accepted as a norm increasingly. Corruption at the low levels is all the more irksome and bothering. I have seen in Japan and Sweden, governments often fell because of corruption but in the general public at the functional levels, people didn’t know what corruption was? The situation is the other way round in our Bharat.

·      Consensus on issues of national security, integrity and sovereignty – Of late, it has been observed that our political leadership has tended to forget some basic needs of the lofty agenda of ‘India first and India last’ as visualized by our fore-fathers led by Babasaheb Ambedkar. Policy disagreements notwithstanding, the ruling party and the opposition must pay a bit more attention and consideration to these aspects to meet the challenges to the national security and integrity to safe guard sovereignty of our country.

·      Communal harmony amidst socio-cultural diversity – If the socio-cultural fabric of the country gets affected by the communal overtones of the two major communities that is Hindus and Muslims things will go wrong for the country. Secular credentials of the country should be maintained and protected by all means shedding the unnecessary controversy whether the word secular should be deleted or retained in the preamble of the constitution of India. India should remain a secular country with diverse socio-cultural underpinning. PM Narendra Modi’s slogan – Sab Ka Vikas, Sab Ka Sath, Sab Ka Paryas, Sab Ka Vishvas is the only mantra to transform India into Bharat.

·      Strengthen Affirmative Action for Equality – The curse of caste is one of the biggest challenges to the social structures of the country. Despite reservations and other affirmative actions to uplift and empower the weaker sections of the society, nothing much has changed. The government policies are not implemented honestly. The social outfits like RSS and SGPC among others should undertake to address the malice of caste head on. I fully endorse the lofty agenda of Samrasta of RSS. But there is a need to take out on the ground from the cosy air-conditioned rooms by shedding the garb of Manuwadi approaches. India cannot become a Viksat Bharat by 2047, as visualized by PM Narendra Modi, if dalits and adivasis are not integrated to the main stream of the society.

 

I have listed these points and my thoughts of the cuff not as any criticism but as a concerned and interested stake holder in the development of our country and transformation of the society to meet the challenges of the future. It will be in order, if I recall the warnings of Babasaheb Ambedkar, one of the biggest sons of the contemporary India which he gave to the nation at the dawn of independence on November 25, 1949 in the Constituent Assembly before the Constitution of India was finally enacted and adopted by ‘We the people of India’. These visionary assertions of the great leader are as relevant today as these were then in 1949 –

-       give up unconstitutional methods (Grammar of Anarchy) to achieve socio-economic objectives

-       avoid hero-worship as it leads to dictatorship

-       work towards a social not just a political – democracy

-       avoid giving preference to personal castes and creeds  above the national creed/interest

With these thoughts of a lay man, I conclude this piece with Greetings to all my fellow citizens on the Independence of India, August 15 -

चिश्ती ने जिस ज़मीं में पैग़ाम-ए-हक़ सुनाया

नानक ने जिस चमन में वहदत का गीत गाया

मेरा वतन वही है मेरा वतन वही है

सारे जहाँ को जिस ने इल्म ओ हुनर दिया था

मेरा वतन वही है मेरा वतन वही है

जन्नत की ज़िंदगी है जिस की फ़ज़ा में जीना

मेरा वतन वही है मेरा वतन